17 Burst results for "Elizabeth Hinton"

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on WABE 90.1 FM

WABE 90.1 FM

05:42 min | 2 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on WABE 90.1 FM

"To be heard, and for their demands to be met? So those burned buildings and other property damage of the injuries and deaths that resulted at times caused a lot of people then and now to think of these kinds of spontaneous outbursts of rebellion as irrational or pointless. I know that you disagree with that. Can you talk about about how you're able to characterize these as political demonstrations even if they weren't carefully planned in advance by people who went in with a, you know, six point agenda or whatever. Well, First of all, I think it's really important to note that in every city where rebellions occurred, you know this was after years, if not decades of nonviolent direct action protests that had failed to really bring about concrete or fundamental changes within black communities. So you know, in many ways rebellion happen happens after After grievances are are not met, whether that that's about police violence and police brutality or whether that's about lack of political and economic power. Um, so again, you know these occur after years of non violent demonstrations after after petitioning with no, um, with no changes, so they don't just emerge out of nowhere, very often drain and after the rebellions as well. Um, you see mainstream civil rights organizations as well as participants making using the violence as an opportunity because, of course, gets the attention of authorities right the opportunity to make a series of demands to call for jobs to call for decent housing to call for a more expansive, educational, um Educational opportunities and more black teachers in the public schools. I mean, again and again and again because of the prevalence of rebellion and the kind of patterns that we see, Um You know that alone demonstrates the extent to which residents use these moments as an opportunity, um, to make to make a set of demands on the state, So I think it's good. No, please continue. I'm sorry on a larger level. I think that you know, both nonviolent and violent protests have played really important roles together in movements for racial justice. Um, they have worked in tandem. Historically, this is something that might Luther King Jr himself recognized. He recognized that the success of his own branch of nonviolent protests depended in part on the kind of course of power. Violent protests should those nonviolent demands not being met, and I think we also saw this play out last summer where, Of course, you know black lives matter has been an emerging movement since Michael Brown's killing in 2014, but the violence that we saw the property destruction that emerged in some cities last summer even though the vast vast majority of these incidents were entirely non violent. But but that in itself propelled Conversations about police reform and racial justice so that you know now, systemic racism is a buzzword in a way that it wasn't before. So you know Both of these strains both, you know the violent protests and nonviolent direct action tactics have been really critical to advancing conversations and policies around issues of racial equity. What changes have you seen in the way the media cover and talk about these incidents? I think one thing that surprised me. Especially last summer was that a lot of media seemed hesitant to use the word riot. I think that you know, And I think that that Underscores the extent to which people are beginning to recognize in a way that certainly the mainstream American public didn't in the sixties, although many liberals did, but that That this that the that violent tactics are very often rooted in legitimate political grievances. And I think in recognizing that reporters, especially as the protests endured through the summer Showed a lot of restraint, especially in the main human liberal press. I mean, of course, you know, you have, um Fox News and News, Max. You know, constantly running images of the violence and, you know, using terms like riot very, very in a very calculated manner, But I think for the most part there was there was a more measured discussion. In 2020 compared to you know, the newspaper sources that I relied upon extensively to write the book from the late sixties and early 19 seventies. My guest is Elizabeth Hinton, associate professor of History and African American studies at Yale University and professor of law at Yale Law School. Her book is called America on Fire, the Untold History of Police, Violence and Black Rebellion since the 19 sixties. You can join us at 1 809 335372. Mhm. Mm. You're listening to think on 90.1 w A B. If you don't want the hassle of selling that old car donated to.

Elizabeth Hinton Michael Brown 2014 2020 Luther King Jr America on Fire Fox News 1 809 335372 early 19 seventies Yale Law School late sixties last summer both Yale University sixties African American 19 sixties Both one thing News
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on WABE 90.1 FM

WABE 90.1 FM

09:01 min | 2 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on WABE 90.1 FM

"School of Management. Global Leadership. NBA For many black communities. The war on crime initiated by President Lyndon Johnson has felt like a war on them, their neighborhoods patrolled by police, who acted like Punisher rather than protectors. When that presence was new in the late sixties and early seventies, as members of those communities suffered or witnessed acts of violence carried out by officers. They often rose up against that brutality, which lawmakers responded to with more police and thus began a vicious cycle that continues to this day. From K E. R A in Dallas. This is think I'm Chris Boyd. Black demonstrations against official of abuse are often framed as a riots. But as my guest will explain They are, in fact, in her mind acts of rebellion against abusive law enforcement, not the cause of so much policing. Better response to it. Elizabeth Hinton is associate professor of History and African American studies at Yale University and a professor of law at Yale Law School. Her book is called America on Fire, the Untold History of Police Violence and Black Rebellion since the 19 sixties. Elizabeth Welcome to thank Thank you so much for having me, Chris. I'm thrilled to be here. So you note this surge in violence between 1968 and 1972 racial violence was something that the US had not seen really since the Civil war, and it wasn't just in big cities, although that's how we tend to remember it. Right. This was a form of protest that was the most widely adopted among young black people after the assassination of Martin Luther King and April 1968. And it was it occurred in cities large and small, The rust Belt and the sun spelt son about in southern cities we often think about, um you know these incidents of major civil disorder as occurring and you know Cities, mainly in the Northeast. Watts being the exception, but Detroit and Newark and Washington D. C in Chicago, these are kind of the more familiar cities. But in reality, the kind of the apex of rebellion occurred in these later years and in mid size and smaller cities in rural towns and again in southern towns like Greensboro, North Carolina, Um and Carver ranches, Florida and Columbus, Georgia and Augusta, Georgia. Across the United States, Um This was again the the kind of post King, uh, turn in mainstream civil rights protests, especially among young, white, young, young black people. How had King's assassination changed the calculus for those young people about the effectiveness of nonviolent civil disobedience? Right. So this rising generation had spent their childhoods you know, watching the civil rights movement unfold and we're now kind of coming of age in the era of black power, which introduced Host of new scripts through which to understand both systemic racism, but also police brutality. You know, so words like pig um, you know, which is a slur for a police officer became relatively commonplace. And and after King's assassination. I mean, you know there was, of course, growing militancy and and and right and the kind of rise of the black power movement during the second half of the 19 sixties, But Kings Kings assassination for many Signalled that the the politics of Nonviolence that direct action protests had not worked to effectively secure. Many of the aims of the The civil rights movement. And increasingly, you know, the mainstream freedom struggle shifted from being premised primarily on the politics of Nonviolence to being premised on the politics of self defense. Black communities felt they had No recourse from both police violence from white supremacists and vigilante terror. But also, um you know, in many ways, socioeconomic conditions had not fundamentally changed. Um Since the From the outside of the 19 sixties to, you know, looking out from Martin Luther King's assassination in the spring of 68. Okay, so self defense, you have these black communities rising up just to take care of their own needs. What kinds of incidents tended to tip off these violent clashes in that period between 68 72. So this is also you know what's what's so key is that About a month after Martin Luther King's assassination. Lyndon Johnson signs the omnibus crime Control and Safe Streets Act into law, which was basically the inaugural legislation of the war on crime, which Johnson had called three years prior in 1965, But but this made kind of permanent grant making office within the Department of Justice. That enable the the vast expansion of police forces and again in large cities but also in smaller cities, especially in mid sized cities. That weren't the kind of initial recipients of the earlier crime war grants. And also facilitated the militarization of police that the surplus of the transfer of surplus military weapons from Vietnam and interventions in the Caribbean and Latin America and the response to the new policing strategy supported by this militarization in this expansion of police force, which were the policing of ordinary everyday activities, so Breaking up party in a housing project or arresting a group of teenagers of color. Who you know, might be in a park and who might seem suspicious. Um, was initially responded to, um, buy, you know, enacting various violence on police. So you know, in Baltimore and in the summer of 1968, For instance, when police Arrested a group of black kids for seriously for a seemingly arbitrary reason. Other kids, you know, began to jump on the officers back and bite them to prevent their friends from being taken away for seemingly no reason when when a housing project party was broken up. In stocks in California residents responded by locking police officers by overtaking the police officers and locking them into the gym in the gym of the housing project. So this is you know what is what is experienced by by residents as violent policing is responded to with violence, usually like in an initial phase of rock throwing that then escalated once police called for back up into Maybe attacks or physical encounters with police. And then when the tear gas came, or the riot sticks in the part of the police residents then turned to what would maybe often turn to burning institutions or looting and the rebellions would continue from there, but that these, the more extreme violence, the burning the looting. The attacks on police and civilians during the late sixties and early seventies occurred in response to the policing of ordinary everyday activity. I want to pause here to talk about your use of the term rebellion where a lot of people might use the word riot. What is the distinction? And what makes it so important? If we're going to understand what it is you're talking about here. This terminology is so key. I mean from the outset and you know, in response to the several days of violence in Harlem in the summer of 1964. Lyndon Johnson said. You know, this violence is criminal. It has nothing to do with civil rights. It's meaningless. It's lawless. It's a riot. But in in reality, the violence, uh, had had everything to do with civil rights. And in fact, you know that those who who felt that they had no other recourse but to take violent action shared that The same grievances as the mainstream civil rights movement. These acts simple of collective political violence, like the non violent direct action. Protests of civil rights were about political and economic inclusion in American society, protection against white supremacist terrorism and end to police brutality. Police Incidents of police violence as we've been talking about where you know very often the precipitating incident, But but but the violence was rooted or was a call for greater access to job opportunities, education and decent housing. So in in calling these political acts again rooted in larger socioeconomic grievances, criminal and riot and a riot. Then the only solution becomes more police, which is, of course, the very thing that residents are rebelling against in the first place, and we've been stuck in this policy cycle ever since, where we have consistently failed to Really evaluate. Uh, you know what are the larger conditions that make people feel in a democracy in a supposedly free and equal society that they have no other option but to bring the building down, but to embrace violent tactics in order for for their rights.

Elizabeth Hinton Chris Elizabeth Chris Boyd Harlem Florida Baltimore United States Detroit North Carolina Dallas Greensboro Caribbean Washington D. C Newark Augusta 1968 Columbus Yale Law School California
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on NEWS 88.7

NEWS 88.7

09:00 min | 2 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on NEWS 88.7

"Management. Global Leadership. NBA For many black communities. The war on crime initiated by President Lyndon Johnson has felt like a war on them, their neighborhoods patrolled by police, who acted like Punisher rather than protectors. When that presence was new in the late sixties and early seventies, as members of those communities suffered or witnessed acts of violence carried out by officers. They often rose up against that brutality, which lawmakers responded to with more police and thus began a vicious cycle that continues to this day. From K E. R A in Dallas. This is think I'm Chris Boyd. Black demonstrations against official of abuse are often framed as a riots. But as my guest will explain They are, in fact, in her mind acts of rebellion against abusive law enforcement, not the cause of so much policing. Better response to it. Elizabeth Hinton is associate professor of History and African American studies at Yale University and a professor of law at Yale Law School. The book is called America on Fire, the Untold History of Police Violence and Black Rebellion since the 19 sixties. Elizabeth Welcome to thank Thank you so much for having me, Chris. I'm thrilled to be here. So you note this surge in violence between 1968 and 1972 racial violence was something that the US had not seen really since the Civil war, and it wasn't just in big cities, although that's how we tend to remember it. Right. This was a form of protest that was the most widely adopted among young black people after the assassination of Martin Luther King and April 1968. And it was it occurred in cities large and small, The rust Belt and the sun spell son about in southern cities we often think about, um you know these incidents of major civil disorder as occurring in, you know. Cities, mainly in the Northeast Watch being the exception, but Detroit and Newark and Washington D. C in Chicago, these are kind of the more familiar cities. But in reality, the kind of the apex of rebellion occurred in these later years and in mid size and smaller cities in rural towns and again in southern towns like Greensboro, North Carolina, Um and Carver ranches, Florida and Columbus, Georgia and Augusta, Georgia. Across the United States, Um This was again the the kind of post king turn in mainstream civil rights protests, especially among young, white, young, young black people. How had King's assassination changed the calculus for those young people about the effectiveness of nonviolent civil disobedience? Right. So this rising generation had spent their childhoods you know, watching the civil rights movement unfold and we're now kind of coming of age in the era of black power, which introduced Host of new scripts through which to understand both systemic racism, but also police brutality. You know, so words like pig um, you know, which is a slur for a police officer became relatively commonplace and and after King's assassination, I mean, you know there was, of course. Growing militancy and and right and the kind of rise of the black power movement during the second half of the 19 sixties. But Kings Kings assassination for many signaled that the the politics of Nonviolence that direct action protests had not worked to effectively secure. Many of the aims of the The civil rights movement. And increasingly, you know, the mainstream freedom struggle shifted from being premised primarily on the politics of Nonviolence to being promise on the politics of self defense. Black communities felt they had No recourse from both police violence from white supremacists and vigilante terror. But also, um you know, in many ways, socioeconomic conditions had not fundamentally changed. Um Since the From the outside of the 19 sixties to, you know, looking out from Martin Luther King's assassination in the spring of 68. Okay, so self defense, you have these black communities rising up just to take care of their own needs. What kinds of incidents tended to tip off these violent clashes in that period between 68 72. So this is also you know what's what's so key is that About a month after Martin Luther King's assassination. Lyndon Johnson signs the omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act into law, which was basically the inaugural legislation of the war on crime, which Johnson had called three years prior in 1965, But this made kind of permanent grant making office within the Department of Justice. That enable the the vast expansion of police forces and again in large cities but also in smaller cities, especially in mid sized cities. That weren't the kind of initial recipients of the earlier crime war grants. And also facilitated the militarization of police that the surplus of the transfer of surplus military weapons from Vietnam and interventions in the Caribbean and Latin America and the response to the new policing strategy supported by this militarization in this expansion of police force, which were the policing of ordinary everyday activities, so breaking up Party in a housing project or arresting a group of teenagers of color who might be in a park and who might seem suspicious was initially responded to, um buy, you know, enacting various violence on police. So you know, in Baltimore and in the summer of 1968, For instance, when police Arrested a group of black kids for seriously for a seemingly arbitrary reason. Other kids, you know, began to jump on the officers back and bite them to prevent their friends from being taken away for seemingly no reason when when a housing project party was broken up. In stocks in California residents responded by locking police officers by overtaking the police officers and locking them into the gym in the gym of the housing project. So this is you know what is what is experienced by By residents as violent policing is responded to with violence, usually like an initial phase of rock throwing that then escalated once police called for back up into Maybe a tax or physical encounters with police. And then when the tear gas came, or the the riot six in the part of the police residents then turned to what would maybe often turn to burning institutions or looting and the rebellions would continue from there, but that these, the more extreme violence, the burning the looting. The attacks on police and civilians during the late sixties and early seventies, occurred in response to the policing of ordinary everyday activity. I want to policy or to talk about your use of the term rebellion where a lot of people might use the word riot. What is the distinction? And what makes it so important? If we're going to understand what it is you're talking about here. This terminology is so key. I mean from the outset and you know, in response to the several days of violence in Harlem in the summer of 1964. Lyndon Johnson said. You know, this violence is criminal. It has nothing to do with civil rights. It's meaningless. It's lawless. It's a riot it but in in reality, the violence, uh, had had everything to do with civil rights. And in fact, you know that those who who felt that they had no other recourse but to take violent action shared that The same grievances as the mainstream civil rights movement. These acts of collective political violence, like the non violent direct action protests of of civil rights were about political and economic inclusion in American society, protection against white supremacist terrorism and end to police brutality. Police Incidents of police violence as we've been talking about where you know very often the precipitating incident, But but but the violence was rooted or was a call for greater access to job opportunities, education and decent housing. So in in calling these political acts again rooted in larger socioeconomic grievances, criminal and riot and a riot. Then the only solution becomes more police, which is, of course, the very thing that residents are rebelling against in the first place, and we've been stuck in this policy cycle ever since, where we have consistently failed to Really evaluate. Uh, you know what are the larger conditions that make people feel in a democracy in a supposedly free and equal society that they have no other option but to bring the building down, but to embrace violent tactics in order for for their rights.

Elizabeth Hinton Chris Chris Boyd Elizabeth Harlem Florida Georgia Baltimore North Carolina Greensboro Dallas Detroit United States Columbus Caribbean Washington D. C 1968 Newark Yale Law School Johnson
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Book Review

The Book Review

04:23 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Book Review

"It mean to steal. Another writer's work. Jean hanff core. Let's join us to talk about her new novel. The plot have black uprisings been mischaracterized in this country is street riots. Elizabeth hinton will be here to discuss her new book america on fire. Elizabeth harris will be here with the latest and publishing news. Plus we'll talk about what we and the wider world are reading. This is the book review podcast from the new york times. It's may twenty eighth. I'm pamela paul. Jean hanff korla joins us now from new york. Her latest book is called the plot. Being here thank you for inviting me. Let's start with the premise of this book. And i i want to say upfront. There are a number of big twists plot to us in this book and we are not going to give away anything. So if you haven't read the book please don't fear. We will not ruin it for you. But give us the premise. The is about a a writer who i think we can. Safely say has failed is failing is well on his way to complete obscurity and he is seen in a pretty bottom of the barrel. Mfa program a low residency mfa program in into his classroom into his depression about his life walks. Just the worst of all possible students. He's arrogant he's dismissive. He has no time for anybody especially his teacher. Jake and he basically says i donate any of you people because i am writing this great novel that is going to be so successful that all of the good things that we book world are aware are going to happen to this novel. And jake ecorse dismisses this as the the arrogance of the young and the the early career writer the untried writer but then during a private conference he actually. Here's this plot and he unfortunately realizes that everything that this guy has said is going to come true. Some years later when he's even closer to the terminus of his own career he discovers that this young man has died and has died pretty soon after their encounter air. Go there is no book..

Elizabeth hinton Jake Jean hanff korla Elizabeth harris pamela paul jake ecorse new york Jean hanff core Some years later may twenty eighth america
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

The Majority Report with Sam Seder

03:27 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

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"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

The Majority Report with Sam Seder

04:44 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

"We go. We're going to head into the fun half we will put a link obviously to the untold history of police violence black rebellions since the nineteen sixties. fascinating Book and obviously enjoyed. That probably could have gone even longer but it is what it is lazing jam. We'll head into the half and when we do. We will take your phone calls. We'll take your iams eventually. We're going to maybe read stuff from the discord technological. It's all ahead of us. Ladies and gentlemen it's all ahead of us and you can join us by becoming a member at join the majority report dot com and you know all the benefits of being a Majority report member. I run into members all the time. I ran into When i was on the way to solve baseball game this weekend while they were two games. So i guess it's but saw couple members. Yeah i ran into said hi. i ran into I ran into one the other day at union street station. Andrew yang second favourite subway station. I guess is that right. No i mean he said if you saw the times square was his favorite way station. One they all are terrible but time scores. Clearly the worst i times square is the worst union square is really bad too because he gets really hot down there too. Yes yeah nobody everybody's going in fourteen different directions has the hardest one to To manage although the band that usually plays there is usually a band it down downstairs and yeah everyone loves that. I love when my podcasts. At can't hear anything i mean. Do you judge it by the station at for union square the station because i like union square area. I like union square. But i of like. Yeah the the more the most subway lines converging. It's never a pleasurable experience. Time square union square penn station like i union square. Probably the best of those three because the other two areas are just terrible. I the city. I gotta say that i do like i get into sort of you. Know going from like The train to you know. When you're in penn station i there is. There is something sort of exciting about weaving through the crowd at a half jog. I mean i just like you know for me. I you know i. It's just. I'm always like looking. Syra calculating ag-. I feel like a. I'm sharing too much running back as i go through there. And i'm trying to calculate what's going to be like which direction the people are going in. That can get a little fun but also can be a little tiring right right like just kind of having to dodge or cut so someone's sneezed doesn't get in your mouth right. That's like super you know or exciting dodging cut in such a way that someone sneeze does get in your mouth. Well then you are revealing too much by yourself you go. Don't forget tune into nomi show today don't know who's on it is youtube dot com slash. The no miki show. You can find that at youtube dot com slash the no maki show and also What's happening in the matt. Lack universe when i'm saying no miki's name matt what's happening in the matt lucky and universe. Oh well people might want to check out the replay of my twitch dream last night literary hangover where i played resonable village for about two hours but tomorrow night to smart how digital capitalism is extracting data controlling our lives and taking over the world. We're having jason sadowski the author of that On to talk about that book he's also the co host of this machine kills with edward undressa junior He also had before going to also talk about how it's good to be a luddite and how to properly understand lesm. It wasn't anti technology. It was anti who that technology was benefiting and we need to bring that back folks so That's tomorrow night. Eight eastern patriot dot com slash left. Recommend to get the post game. but go subscribe. just past. Ten thousand subs So check that out. I did realize that. I didn't realize that was What lied. Let it lie. Data glut letters was about..

jason sadowski two games union square penn station today tomorrow night nineteen sixties edward undressa second Ten thousand subs three couple members last night two areas Time square One fourteen different directions Andrew yang times square union street station
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

The Majority Report with Sam Seder

09:30 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

"But then there's also just sort of like a. Hey you're you're you're messing with my like like my daily life. That is not so much a you know. I don't want to say it's not a political agenda but it's it's sort of like almost like a it's a quality of life issue right so so there's a lot going on there. I mean i think. I think one in the within the kind of mainstream american imagination The and this is true in the earlier period of rebellion to the political violence. Just kind of leads to this sense of. Among many of anarchy and chaos with continued protests on the streets with a rising student antiwar movement going on and and many prominent radical revolutionary organizations. I think from the perspective of policymakers and many local at all levels right. There's insistence that rebellion. Is that somehow groups like the black panthers and the black liberation army are inciting the rebellion. And that it's it's it's really outside agitators. That are fueling it. But i think and this is one of the things that the research really shows for the people who participated who who felt they had no recourse but to throw a rock or a bottle at a police officer or burn ability or loot. This was really the outgrowth of again larger socioeconomic grievances in part because in every city where rebellion occurred. This was an outgrowth of a decades or years at the very least of nonviolent direct action protests and very little changes and. I think that's another reason why this kind of post king period is so key because that's when we really begin to see the The politics of the of the black freedom struggle really shift from a politics of nonviolence. To one of self defense. The idea was is that in especially for you know the the young people who who really league sustained in fueled the rebellion. In fact rebellion was the most widely adopted form of protest among young people. After king's murder they had watched the civil rights movement unfold and watch the nonviolent direct action protests that steered the civil rights movement unfold throughout their childhoods and by the end of the decade. they were still being. You know the the the rights and the inclusion that the movement was all about had not succeeded for many conditions hadn't changed to now they were being policed in new ways. Their communities were being policed in new ways instead of getting the major read the resources and the structural intervention that civil rights activists in johnson's own kerner commission recommended. They got the war on crime and police and so the rebellions were very very much tied to the shortcomings Of the civil rights movement civil rights legislation as they were experienced and a response to the growth and the expansion of american police forces in targeted communities Let's talk about that road not taken with the kerner commission Because i feel like that is the only thing i remember not quite exactly contemporaneous But would be like the moynihan report which is sort of not the kerner commission now So la- but it's interesting that the current commission is also one of those things that you sort of like memory hold and Talk about what. The commission Recommended and and what happened with those recommendations. Although i think spoiler alert nothing so johnson calls the kerner commission in the middle of the detroit rebelling to evaluate the causes of the violence that had rocks the nation during every summer of his presidency and to suggest solutions to prevent rebellion in the future. And you know this. Really allow johnson to appear as if he was taking firm action in the middle of the chaos and destruction in detroit and the kerner commission releases recommendations in february nineteen sixty eight several months before the safe streets act pass and they said okay if we not only did. They draw the nation's attention to the role of white racism. You know the famous line. The report are the nation is moving towards two societies. One black one white separate and unequal. But they said if we're really serious about preventing rebellion in the future and dealing with racial discrimination and inequality in this country we have to go far beyond the war on poverty. We eat a major structural intervention. We need massive infusion of resources into low income communities of color which means that the public and private sector are going to need to mobilise. The commission recommended to create jobs for the so called disadvantaged. That was the term that was used at the time. Public housing needed a massive upgrade and overhaul public schools needed major investments in order to to provide low income children opportunities to go to college and and more educational resources. The programs the where. I'm poverty like headstart needed to be expanded. According to the kerner commission and political and economic institutions would need to commit to to really fostering for political and economic inclusion for black americans. I mean essentially the kerner commission reinforce the demands of both the mainstream civil rights movement and many radical organizations at the time and johnson when the report came out never comments on commented on it publicly distanced himself from the recommendations and went on then shortly thereafter not to support job creation program for low income americans of color but the job creation program for police. That was that is and once the war on crime and we should say this you know. The commission was headed by. I don't know if he was former governor at that time of illinois And i mean it's not to read about the kerner commission is sort of fascinating in that. It's very hard to imagine a commission coming out with that sort of like explicit of a roadmap today right that it would be that you know. I mean presumably. There were politics Back then but that he would come out with such an explicit roadmap in such a very clear directive and Yet it being buried so easily. It seems like maybe that was a function of the time. Just trying to imagine what would happen if such a commission. We you know if joe biden call for such commission in six months later they came out with those types of proposals. I certainly would. I mean i but i i. I wonder if you could if you wouldn't have already fashioned a commission that would not come out with those proposals or would be a little bit more mealy mouth today by the nature of our politics but but maybe that's that's impossible to so where did moynahan came in where. Where did that fit because we have this sort of like cycle going here. That is inching forward and progressing at one point where the hands recommendations fit into that wind. A hand has such a sensual and fascinating but also infuriating character throughout this whole period because he gets his start in government in the kennedy administration and the department of labor and then he becomes a special advisor to richard nixon and in many ways he he oversees the very developments. That that we've been talking about moynihan's recommendations. Were actually the ones that were taken up. Moynahan essentially says recognizes the kind of the socioeconomic factors that that explain that explained black poverty and disparate rates of black poverty in his nineteen sixty five report on the negro family but he also said alternately. Black is not about You know socioeconomic inequality but it's about black pathology. it's about what he called. The tangle of pathology that had been passed down from one generation to the next since slavery and this kind of pathological assessment of black poverty. Gave policymakers away out. Johnson's council of economic advisers said okay. Well if pob black poverty is the result of the not structure. We don't need. We can fight the war on poverty relatively cheaply because then what we need to do in in the words of johnson's attorney general ramsey. Clark who's considered you know one of the the great liberals of of this era. He said you know the war on. Poverty is about helping the disadvantaged help himself it was conceived by the federal government as a self help program this match remedial education programs not the complete transformation of urban public. Schools is the kerner commission and others suggested this meant not job creation programs job training programs and this lack of structural intervention that was deeply influenced by moynihan's analysis really limited the possibilities for the war on poverty which is why one.

richard nixon Clark moynahan Moynahan two societies joe biden kerner commission six months later nineteen sixty five illinois Johnson safe streets act One negro february nineteen sixty eight both american today one point johnson
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

The Majority Report with Sam Seder

08:15 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

"This pivot to the federal is asian to the extent that it was of policing and the response to The the response to the the sort of the extension of the fight for civil rights That this was a you know that it's not a coincidence. That had happened when the the most naked governmental systems of of of of racism were changed. Right i mean like i mean this you know we get the civil rights act and voting rights act in in sixty five and so they're still obviously systemic. Racism will get dr dorothy a brown about it in in in taxes. we can talk You know in the context of a real estate and wealth disparities but in terms of what the government is doing sort of nakedly allowing Disenfranchisement these the those are taken down and then there is a sort of less. I don't want to say structural but more operational system of control that is deployed. Is that in reading too much into that. Or now i mean i think you know sam this gets to your earlier point you just laid that out beautifully because it there is this tendency in. Us history going back to reconstruction. I think that that period is really important. Thank you for drawing our attention to it right. Because there's this tendency that every time rights and the bounds of citizenship expand to previously marginalized groups and black americans in particular. There's a new criminal laws and new systems incarceration. That emerged immediately afterwards. So after man you get the black codes that many southern states enacted as a way to criminalise newly freed people and get them back to work for White planters in in kind of a new semblage of the plantation system. In order to rebuild the south after the civil war and this system known as the convict lease system was kind of the first million cars in mass incarceration in in the united states and then literally one hundred years later. Johnson calls the war on crime. This one year after the civil rights act passed. Martin sixty five calls the war on crime and then sends the voting rights act to congress so again we see the expansion of citizenship the dismantling of jim crow and then yet this new federal intervention and so part of it is this like flow of history that an indication that there is a fundamental resistance. On the part of policymakers to really also simultaneously supporting the kind of structural transformations to bring about to equality instead right policing and criminal is increasingly entrusted to to manage the new racial order and impose new forms of Social control in communities that have immediately just receives new sets of of rights in new access to civic participation in the nation. all right. well let's let's go back and look at like you know the the the sort of the year. Epochs that you List in terms of the the the way these rebellions evolve as it were. I mean sixty four to sixty eight You you know was Where you had the sort of. I guess the ones that we that that maybe we're more. Broadly aware of like watson in detroit and in newark That are in the wake of the assassination of of mlk. How does that. How do they change from that era to what you call the crucible of rebellion which is sixty eight to seventy two. Yeah so i mean that's that's the untold part right. We thought that the violence peaked and sixty seven. And maybe sixty eight. but in fact The violence peach. That was only the beginning. The violence really peaked again. After the enactment of that safe streets act in nineteen sixty eight and when these federal grants earlier. Johnson calls the war on crime in sixty five sixty five to sixty eight these when the early experimental federal grants are hitting mostly big cities as riot prevention measures and after the first piece of national major national legislation is passed a agency is set up within the department of justice to administer funding to local police and state governments for criminal justice planning. That's when we begin to see the kind of the breadth and scale and frequency of rebellions really occurring because as police forces in smaller cities like harrisburg pennsylvania. An carver ranches florida and albuquerque. new mexico. are are expanding and militarizing and residents and segregated communities are subject then subjected to the kind of policing strategies that they're karna parts in big cities had been experiencing their to that police the police incursion and police violence is to fight back and so between June sixty eight and nineteen seventy two through nineteen seventy two. There are two thousand rebellions in big and small cities in the period from sixty four to Through martin luther king junior's assassination. There are several hundred so it's really in these smaller cities that don't get the kind of coverage that the big city rebellions that that that we're seeing this political violence happening in mass and it happens across the united states. Not just in the northeast but in the southern states in the west in the rust belt the sunbelt. You name it You know many of our hometowns again. Nearly a thousand cities experienced this form of political violence and it mostly emerged in response to the policing ordinary everyday activities. So police officers arresting group of kids who are hanging out in the park police officers interfering during a family barbecue and making just arrested in general that other community members viewed as arbitrary. So you know today and really from miami. In nineteen eighty onwards rebellions occur in response to exceptional incidents of police brutality miscarriages of justice but in this crucible period when i call the crucial period of the late sixties early seventies. It's in response to the policing of ordinary everyday activity and we should say you have a a comprehensive list in the book that you've included in the appendix of of those two thousand Rebellions and into just to be clear so we have The that period of sixty four to sixty eight and then sixty eight the The the police force is maybe. It's too much saved federalized. But it is a policing is in some ways federalized in some matter manner and it is that which creates it's almost like a virtuous circle But it it it creates the pressures are how much of that history is lost or was conflated with what was going on in terms of vietnam and in terms of like the hippie culture. Or how much was playing into that. I mean i just You know recalled growing up. I know that there were There was What was key. I was taught as a a riot in in my hometown. Worcester massachusetts around that time and grapefruit valley but But abbie hoffman was also On the scene just because he happened to live in that city and so he was there. But i wonder if these things get conflated that there is a sort of a on some level a political agenda against the.

abbie hoffman Johnson congress new mexico miami albuquerque florida vietnam jim crow safe streets act today late sixties June sixty eight nineteen seventy two civil rights act and voting ri one hundred years later harrisburg pennsylvania civil rights act united states first million cars
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

The Majority Report with Sam Seder

07:54 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

"Welcome to the program associate professor history and american studies at yale university. A professor of law at yale law school and the author of american fire the untold history of police violence and black rebellions since the nineteen sixties. Elizabeth hinton welcome to the show. I'm here with them. Vigilant such having me sam. So all right. So let's just this this low hanging fruit if if yours is the untold history of police violence in black rebellion since the nineteen sixties. What's the tolls history. So the told history is that between nineteen sixty four se in nineteen sixty eight. Black-americans erupted in criminal spontaneous carnival esque rebellion in response to police actions. In major urban centers like harlem and sixty four watson sixty five detroit in newark during what's known as the long hot summer of nineteen sixty seven and the hundred some cities that erupted as kind of the last seen is the last hurrah of this era of of protests following the assassination of martin luther king junior and really these events have been assessed as criminal actions that word or that necessitated increase police force in order to contain and So let me and and before we get to actually what what what the what the untold stories like. Why why this era. I mean you you you start in the sixties. But what but why. Why why this era as opposed to. I mean you could go back and you go back. I guess Another one hundred fifty years. I'm not saying that. I mean that's a lot of work but but is there a particular reason why in mar dignity. This is a different dynamic. So i mean this is the political violence that we saw in communities of color beginning in the mid nineteen sixties can't be separated from the larger civil rights movement. I think that's one of the things that that hasn't been told in terms of how we think about these violent but this violence during this period. But you know when people rebelled. They shared this same grievances. As the mainstream civil rights movement these political protests were about access to decent jobs robust educational opportunities and under resourced communities decent housing essentially not to be treated like second class citizens in their in their cities and country and full political and economic inclusion. These were the same goals as the mainstream civil rights movement as well as an end to police brutality and protection from white supremacist violence. Why the word i mean. Let's just talk about the word rebellion as opposed to in in in in riot. And maybe we should start with the development of the word riot as mechanism of obscuring. That connection that you're talking about right. So i mean of course you know most of the collective violence and this gets at your earlier question as well. Most of the collective violence that the nation witness in through the twentieth century. We're white mobs who attacked black communities mainly in the northeast and especially around the first and second world war so e saint louis nineteen seventeen a mob of two thousand black men basically attacks the black community e saint louis forcing black families to choose between being shot to death or or or burned in their own homes during the red nineteen nineteen. We see this similar kind of mob violence. And of course we're coming up next week on the hundred year commemoration of the tulsa riot and the massacre of the greenwood community there. But it wasn't in the nineteen sixties. It was when this collective violence by black people against exploitative and exclusionary institutions surface that that the idea of riots and criminality really began to take hold and following harlem in nineteen sixty four which was the first major incident of rebellion after a fifteen year. Old high school student was shot by a new york city. Police officer president. Johnson said this violence has nothing to do with civil rights. It's it's it's a riot. It's tied to the juvenile delinquency problem in harlem. It's criminal and therefore the solution is police deployment in in the community. And ever since we've had this idea about riots linked with criminality and black criminality in particular. Well yeah and. I'm just because that word riot has done so much work and carried so much weight since that time period that you write about and i know this is kind of pivoting a little bit. But i'm just wondering how you found that that word in particular and the weight that it carried translated into say the messaging of like a richard nixon as we moved past the civil rights era and into the seventies and beyond that such an important question because in framing this political violence. As rioting right this really fueled the expansion of police forces that we witnessed during the nineteen sixties as part of the war on crime that lyndon johnson called in that richard nixon inherited when he took the presidency so one of the last major pieces of legislation during the johnson administration the omnibus crime control and safe streets. Act started this unprecedented investment into local law enforcement that richard nixon who took office shortly thereafter. Basically it ministered and this this legislation and the programs of the war on crime facilitated the transfer of surplus military grade weapons to not just police forces in big cities but police forces and mid sized cities and rural communities throughout the united states. And the idea was that this equipment was a necessary riot prevention measure. So even the you know again the lincoln of riots and criminality the idea that the best way to prevent sop riots. Right is more police. In a militarized. Police force really guided. The strategies of the early war on crime analysts an important cadillac force for johnson and federal policy makers to support the war on crime in the first place because for the first two hundred some years of us history. The federal government had never gotten involved directly in local law enforcement in end. This has so much to do with the threat of of rioting as it was framed. In conceived by policymakers. I want to get into to some of the specific Points over the course of a really from the sixties a to now But but do you think that the i mean because you know and i have to say that you know we. We can also go back to like even. We've we've been talking about this quite a bit on the program but You know white riots massacres in that start really in reconstruction on some of it you start to look at the the the the arc of history what you're seeing is you know sort of this fight. this In terms of who's going to control who's going to have levers of power a lot of those massacres were i. In in reconstruction where function of of black people getting elected to office and And and having the opportunity to sort of you know Have some measure of of representation self-determination etc etc so But do you. Do you think that.

Elizabeth hinton lyndon johnson harlem martin luther Johnson richard seventies yale university hundred mid nineteen sixties nixon two thousand first two hundred newark next week twentieth century sixties saint louis richard nixon nineteen sixties
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

The Majority Report with Sam Seder

01:38 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

"Because he's one of the things that's gonna make it hard for him to run against Val demings and i'm not Necessarily the biggest fan of hers. Although i think she's going to have a good opportunity to to pick up the seat in in florida is that she's a former cop. Former chief of police makes a little bit hard for him to To to cast her as being anti police which would which would have been the thing that he would probably run on. But now it's gotta be just sort of the democratic party captured by the social cultural marxists and apparently we don't even need a description of what that is. Well i mean we all want. They've found a way that call. You know bernie sanders Self hating jew or an anti semite as a jewish man so they may be able to. Just you know fine. She's a she's a self hating cop thou his go to. Only one can only hope are. We're gonna take a quick break when we come back. We'll be talking to. Elizabeth hinton socio professor of history and african american studies at yale. Also professor of law at yale law school author of america on fire the untold history of police violence and black rebellions. The nineteen sixties. We'll be right back after this. Oh folks Just reminder i it to check in to see what the story was with just to warn these guys. My internet connection seems still hanky but all of that said folks you can support.

Elizabeth hinton bernie sanders florida yale one jewish nineteen sixties yale law african american things Val jew america
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

The Majority Report with Sam Seder

02:36 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The Majority Report with Sam Seder

"It is wednesday may twenty six two thousand twenty one. My name is sam cedar the five time award winning majority report. We are broadcasting. Live steps and steps. From the industrially ravaged ghana's canal in the heartland of america downtown brooklyn usa on the program today. Elizabeth hinton so she professor of history and african american studies at yale. University professor of law at yale law school author of america on fire the untold history of police violence in black rebellion since the nineteen sixties also on the programmed making of law grand jury convened in the trump criminal probe. What do you get the ex president. Who has everything. His own grandeur. Meanwhile health and human services had the sarah calls for a follow up investigation on the origins of covid nineteen joe biden reportedly willing to have nearly have his infrastructure his infrastructure. Ask as the bipartisan kabuki continues surprise vaccine makers lobby other countries to oppose a patent waiver. Which would make it easier. For poorer countries to vaccinate their folks pentagon is accelerating its afghan exit. It was the wisconsin. republican party. Kills the state's medicaid expansion without any accountability in they're extremely gerrymandered state. And the heartwarming story of the us. Senate giving jeff bezos space ambitions. A bail out. Ireland quashes biden's global minimum tax proposal. Trump's epa apparently hib threats of a toxic herbicides and tony blinken announces one hundred and ten million dollars aid to gaza where four hundred thousand people have limited access to fresh drinking water. All this and more on.

Elizabeth hinton Trump sam cedar america five time four hundred thousand people ghana Senate wednesday may today twenty six republican party twenty one one hundred and ten million dollars two thousand yale african american jeff trump
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on KQED Radio

KQED Radio

05:02 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on KQED Radio

"Floyd and the struggle for meaningful police reform with Elizabeth Hinton, associate professor of History and African American studies and professor of law at Yale University. Her new book is America on Fire, the untold History of police, Violence and Black Rebellion. Since the 19 sixties. Her recent New York Times opinion pieces getting beyond the fire next time Elizabeth Denton you write the black people today and the nation at large, are still experience experiencing the aftershocks You call them of the 19 sixties and seventies. Can you explain? What you mean by this Is that, you know consistently. We've been stuck in this as we've been talking about cycle of police violence in this police paradigm, the increased reliance on police and prisons to manage again the material consequences of poverty and structural racism and inequality. When we we need to begin to look beyond the police and think about different sets of investments that we can make in our communities. And there's a precedent for this. Of course, you know, um, during the Rebellion of 67. Lyndon Johnson called the National Advisory Commission on civil Disorders now known as the Kerner Commission to investigate the causes and the solutions to the rebellions that had rapture the nation during every summer of his presidency and the coroner commissions that if we really want to get at the root causes of these issues Recognizing their socioeconomic underlying motivations, the Kerner Commission said. We need a massive investment in low income communities of color. We need a major job creation program that would mobilize the resource is of both the public and private sectors. We need to build robust public schools. We need a complete overhaul of dilapidated and deteriorating public housing, and we need to support community action programs that are going to continue to Fund promising community organizations at the grassroots level. The Kerner Commission had the answers more than 50 years ago, and they were ignored and consistently. We see various commissions and blue ribbon panels. Evaluating this is these issues evaluating racial inequality, stepping in the aftermath of racial tensions or rebellions and saying we need a structural intervention and consistently, policymakers at all levels of government had been resistant to these kinds of changes. And so the decision to continue to embrace police, CNN surveillance and incarceration has all but ensured that these inequalities behind the violence and the violence itself and the protests themselves in both their non violent and violent forms would continue. We're still dealing with the consequences of this misguided policy path. And, you know, you have to wonder what would the United States looked like today? Had policymakers embrace the kinds of investments the Kerner Commission was calling for instead of the investments that the war on crime and later the war on drugs had called for? Listener. Philip asks. When did the police stop seeing themselves as peace officers? Is there a start to this? Would you say it is around that time post? You know, in the mid 19 sixties. Well, I think increasingly, you know, as police forces expanded in the communities of color that had been targeted by federal policymakers, I mean, part of the national strategy for the war on crime was to saturate low income community of communities of color with police both to prevent future rebellion and and to find, uh Criminals and potential criminals. I think once the objective became getting the bad guys and once ideas really took hold about blackness and criminality, people of color and criminality and ideas, especially by the mid seventies that you know that that's some segments of the population are just lately criminal and there's Kind of no rehabilitative hope, And so the best thing to do is to essentially lock them up and throw throw away. The key police work became At least in low income communities of color about finding the bad guys and not necessarily protecting citizens and fostering public greater public safety. Well, let me go next to collar Buck in San Francisco. Hi, Buck. Hello on them, right, completely Agree with your analysis on I've worked pretty extensively low income communities to a certain extent. The largest and African American communities around the issue of violent crime, and people have been confronted with this quandary where they do not want. Abusive policing. But they do we help in stopping violence? While working on the long term issues of racism and poverty..

Elizabeth Hinton Elizabeth Denton Lyndon Johnson Philip CNN Kerner Commission San Francisco Buck Floyd 19 sixties New York Times Rebellion of 67 United States African American Yale University America on Fire seventies National Advisory Commission o both today
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on Make Me Smart with Kai and Molly

Make Me Smart with Kai and Molly

05:45 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on Make Me Smart with Kai and Molly

"And fundamentally racism. Right is just such a huge barrier to this conversation. It just feels that over and over. I hear surveys where white americans say. This isn't that big a deal. Black americans say this is the only deal right right. I mean fundamentally. I mean that's that's what it comes down to. That's what it comes down to and and it's and it's a it's a hearts and minds campaign in that sense and that's why here i think history is so important. Because if we don't understand the history of racial oppression in this country we're never going to understand how we got here and how we might move forward in the future. But historically we know that political and economic elites have been really resistant to to fundamentally disrupting the racial hierarchies that have defined this country since its founding so we look to the history of protest movements and struggles for racial justice to keep the pressure on and also to to to help shift public opinion. I am emboldening an inspired though by younger generations who i think are really beginning to move the conversation forward and want to create and wants to live in a more equitable and just society. I think about my students. And i think about the young people who really steered the protest last summer. What some have called the largest mass mobilization in us history. And i think. I hope that this generation is not going to stand for the status quo for the past four hundred years in in this country. Elizabeth hinton is a professor of history and african american studies at yale university author of the new book america on fire the untold history of police violence and black rebellions since the nineteen sixties. I feel weirdly devastated and also hopeful. Good who is so. That's yeah that's that's the good thing then appropriate outcome kind of thank you so much. I really appreciate it again for having me take good care right you too you too bye all right and with that. We are headed to a break. Send us your comments on. Today's show. History is so instructive. And as i.

Elizabeth hinton Today nineteen sixties last summer yale university african american america Black years past four hundred americans
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on KQED Radio

KQED Radio

04:29 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on KQED Radio

"Hinton, associate professor of history and African American studies professor of law at Yale University. Her new book Is America on Fire. The untold history of police violence and black rebellion since the 19 sixties. Uh, Dr ended, also wrote a recent New York Times opinion piece titled Getting Beyond the Fire next time related to reflecting on the one year anniversary of the murder of George Floyd. And that's what we're doing today, talking about the one year anniversary and the struggle for meaningful police reform. I wanted about your listeners to join the conversation. Do you remember the protests of the 19 sixties and seventies? That Elizabeth Hinton is talking about what connections do you draw between them? And last summer's black lives matter? Protests and if you are reflecting on this one year marker, do you remember how you were feeling this time last year? How are you feeling today? If you'd like to share it, you can do so at 8667336786 again. 8667336786. You could get in touch on Twitter or Facebook at KQED Forum or email your questions to forum at KQED dot or g'kar. All those have attended. One thing I've been struck by is that you do not downplay the destruction or the violence of the events by both police and also by protesters, For example, you write that from 1964 to 1972. In the north and South east and the west in the rust belt in the sun belt in nearly every city, small or large, where black people lived in segregated unequal conditions. Residents threw rocks and bottles at police shot at them with rifles smashed the windows of businesses and institutions hurled fire barn but firebombs. In plundered stores. Is it deliberate for you to just say it straight out? Well, one of the really important lessons in this, you know is what we've been talking about when the important lessons of this period that we need to heat today is that police violence precipitates. Community violence, residents responded violently to both conditions and policing practices that they experience as violent and in many communities felt they had no other recourse but to turn to violence in order to get the larger socio economic objectives met in most of the communities that rebelled if not all, the rebellions were the outgrowth of decades of nonviolent direct action. Civil rights protests, petitions, lawsuits As part of the larger struggle for civil rights, and none of this had worked to actually change material conditions or outcomes in many low income black communities in the United States, and so residents resorted to extremely violent measures as a response to the unheard calls to improve violent Conditions. You. We've heard you say rebellion several times through this and you make a point to say that protests against this kind of over policing at the time are better stood as rebellion. Can you talk about why you use that term and why you find the term riot so problematic? Right. So you know, beginning with Harlem and 64, which was the first kind of major incident of unrest that that galvanized the nation and, of course, the Johnson administration. Johnson was very clear that you know, in his words that that the rebellion in Harlem had nothing to do with civil rights that it was criminal that it was meaningless that it was tied to problems of juvenile delinquency, of course, drying our attention away from the socioeconomic root causes that I've been talking about that that drove residents to feel they had no other recourse. To rebel and so in in labeling this political violence is criminal. The solution. The only solution then becomes more policing. And especially with hindsight, we know that the embrace of police and the embrace of surveillance and prisons at the direct expense of social welfare programs and investments of different kinds of resource is into the into communities that residents themselves wanted with in terms of jobs help housing health care. Uh, the rebellions only continue because the police and surveillance becomes the only solution when we use terminology that make this political action criminal We're talking with Elizabeth. Hint in her new book Is America on Fire, the untold History of police Violence and black rebellion Since the 19 sixties, we'll have more after the break. I mean, Achim.

Elizabeth Hinton Elizabeth Twitter Facebook George Floyd United States 1964 Achim 1972 Hinton last year New York Times last summer Harlem seventies 19 sixties one year African American 8667336786 one
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on KQED Radio

KQED Radio

07:45 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on KQED Radio

"National psyche. It's hard not to think about the black lives matter. Protests his killing sparked last summer. The protests were sustained and widespread in all 50 states, and we're more racially diverse. Then past racial justice protests and, as yield, historian Elizabeth Hinton shows us in her new book, America on Fire. They also had important and dissidents in the extreme protests that took hold in American cities between 1964 and 1972. Professor Health Hinton. Thanks so much for joining us Thank you so much for having me Nina and your book is America on fire, the untold history of police violence and black rebellion since the 19 sixties Could you give us a sense of the scale and scope of the protests of that period from the mid to late sixties and early seventies? And the injustices that they were animating back then. Sure, So this was the kind of period of sustained domestic violence that nation had not witnessed. Since the Civil War. There were well over 2000 rebellions and not just in big cities like Los Angeles and Detroit and new work in Washington, DC, but in smaller and mid sized cities like Harrisburg, Pennsylvania and Carver ranchers Florida and Albuquerque, New Mexico in rural communities, small pounds across the United Did states where residents rebelled against police violence that was and the expansion of police forces and militarized police forces that had encroached in their communities during and immediately after the civil rights movement. Yes, you explain that as the civil rights movement brought Efforts of desegregation anti discrimination legislation. For example, we have the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Fair Housing Act of 1968 You talk about how black Americans were facing new policing practices where police became this threatening presence in black communities in a violent presence in black communities. Can you talk about just this parallel, these two historical trends co occurring and how we knew so little about the latter. Right. So you know, the federal investment in local law enforcement began alongside the rollout of monumental civil rights legislation. And, of course, the world the war on poverty, so at the same time that the federal government is supporting job training initiatives. And various programs to address racial discrimination. It's also supporting a massive new investment in local police forces and prisons and court systems. That set the nation on the road from to mass incarceration. So as an especially after the enactment of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, which was the first major piece of national law enforcement legislation, not just big cities, but again, you know smaller cities, rural communities all across United States. Police force is enlarged and police officers had military grade weapons at their disposal that had been financed by the federal government. So the helicopters, the armored tanks, the Them for an M. 16 carbine rifles, tear gas, bullet proof vests, riot control helmets. All these things that are kind of ubiquitous and policing today had their origins here in the in the 19 sixties and where the results of surplus military transfers from Vietnam and ultimately, the federal government's punitive priorities, one out. Over its war on poverty over attacking the kind of socioeconomic conditions that lead to crime and violence in our communities, and instead increasingly embraced police and prisons as a way to manage The material consequences of poverty and inequality as they emerged through crime and violence and low income communities of color. Can you give some examples about What you mean by one out demon in terms of resource is focused. Things like that, in terms of resource is and in terms of the commitment of federal policymakers and officials at all levels of government. So you know the office of Economic Opportunity that steer the community action programs of the war on poverty never received permanent implementation. But in that 1968 legislation and Safe Streets Act Office of Law Enforcement Assistance that steered the programs of the early war on crime became the largest grant making agency within the Department of Justice as the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration this sixties ended up with not a job creation program for low income Americans that have been floated around as a goal for the war on poverty and recommended by Lyndon Johnson's own Crime Commission. But instead we get a job creation program for police and the massive expansion of police forces increasingly as well. Federal Policymakers incentivize various crime control program is over social welfare programs and social welfare programs that it feared the war on poverty like community action programs. Head start job training programs, You name it. And the commitment to Increasing policing and surveillance and invest in eventually, incarceration in targeted communities of color became the short term solution with with long term Rennick modifications for American society that we're still very much dealing with today. Yes, one of the key observations in your book is that Basically this increased presence, the police violence and aggression that it precipitates community violence in what you describe as officials vicious cycle. Can you talk about this relationship and more about how this cycle works right? And so this is also really important in terms of how we understand these incidents of political violence and in labeling them riots and criminal than the only solution becomes more police force, even though the residents who threw rocks and bottles at police and burn buildings And looted stores. Their grievances where the sharing grievances of mainstream civil rights organizations at the time that is the rebellions were about access to full political and economic inclusion in the United States. Uh, complete reversal of the status quo. Where were black Americans were essentially treated as second class citizens and not just in Southern states. Of course, the rebellions were about the expansion of job opportunities, the creation of jobs, decent housing, education, robust educational systems. Very much rooted in the socioeconomic conditions that much of the civil rights movement sought to improve and in labeling this political violence as nothing other than criminal and embracing the police is a solution. We've been trapped in this cycle when police come to respond to a protest. Um bye bye. Residents who are who are fighting against the presence of police in their everyday lives, the policing of ordinary everyday activity. This sets a cycle emotion where then then the pope increased. Police response becomes the next stage and then residents in turn as police response escalates escalate with greater political violence, and we saw this cycle play out in a number of cities in a number of rebellions, and the cycle continues to play out today..

Elizabeth Hinton Los Angeles Lyndon Johnson Civil Rights Act of 1964 Harrisburg United States Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Pennsylvania Detroit Albuquerque Law Enforcement Assistance Adm Fair Housing Act of 1968 Washington, DC Voting Rights Act of 1965 Department of Justice Carver Florida Nina Civil War Safe Streets Act
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on On Point with Tom Ashbrook | Podcasts

On Point with Tom Ashbrook | Podcasts

02:23 min | 4 months ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on On Point with Tom Ashbrook | Podcasts

"Work in progress. Yeah well jeff kirk lyons founder of the african american historical preservation society in york pennsylvania. Thank you so much for joining us. Jeff will analysts. I mean how is that t listening to that and seeing how things have changed but not very much in this community. it's a small community. We talk a lot about big cities like detroit in chicago but this is playing out. I mean it seems to me sort of more of a microcosm of what's likely happening in communities across this country right exactly and that's why i think it's it's really important that we begin to pay more attention as one of the things that i really stress from the book that it isn't communities like york. It's in these smaller communities where we really see these dynamics of police violence and the impact of lack of investment into jobs and robust schools and health care and protection from white. Vigilante violence for people really really play out in particularly tragic ways and we need to start paying attention to the dynamics that are happening in in smaller cities like york That are so pervasive in communities across the united states. That often get overlooked by the media and scholars. And we are discussing america's reckoning with its history on police violence and in protests against racism with yale historian elizabeth hinton who is the author of america on fire the untold history of police violence and black rebellion six since the nineteen sixties. Im kimberly atkins. Amiss is on point. This.

elizabeth hinton Jeff chicago york detroit jeff kirk united states york pennsylvania six nineteen sixties Amiss african american one of the things lyons america
"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The United States of Anxiety

The United States of Anxiety

01:37 min | 4 years ago

"elizabeth hinton" Discussed on The United States of Anxiety

"The image that we have today at the zerotolerance war on drugs this is where it's really taking shape in his book rise of the warrior cop investigative journalist rally balco describes a white house driven pr blitz designed to tie heroin to crime in the public imagination not long after nixon declares drugs public enemy number one he sent his customs chief to head a new agency called the office of drug abuse law enforcement or oatmeal oh yeah wire as for proverb now they're panic cadre of presidential drug copter further frankly away hargin ahead antidrug law enforcement outfit that was run directly out of the white house and came very close the cropping on student alliance about federal police forces harvard history professor elizabeth hinton writes about o'neill in her book from the war on poverty to the war on crime made me i was he a cat hannatised supply side of narcotic trafficking and to get like the big kingpin than the big drug pushers in the end in practice when federal agents are kind of unleash in targeted lacquer but neighborhood they're really going after low level drug dealers and drug abusers and for you begin to have the kind of raids on people who are thought to be drug dealers but also kind of stop and i arrive on a frequent day says this was the says working with local cops drawing guns and kicking indoors that blitzkrieg was done largely for the news cameras that had been told ahead of time to show up.

rally balco heroin nixon law enforcement white house elizabeth hinton o'neill drug abuse harvard professor