Listen: Australia's Federal Election May Be a Tight Race
"Ever since Malcolm Turnbull nearly lost the twenty sixteen election, the polls, the pundits and the bidding markets that consistently put lie in a winning position pointing to a landslide this weekend. But such is the magic politics that the federal election could be a lot closer than anyone had the raw to expect a week or whatnot agai, remember during the past half-century close vigil elections favor, the incumbent, you think of Gordon's narrow victory over whitland in sixty nine the so-called don's party or Gillard up against Abbott losing her majority in twenty ten but when oppositions wind power from the government, the victories are usually in fatty, you think of phrases massive landslide against whitland, seventy five or how smashing catering in ninety six but in politics, there are no guarantees, and the smart money is still on a lie. Victory. And according to my guest, that may be a good thing for conservatism and the nation. Australia, where told needs a shortened government to help us break out of Al complacency genital Ricksen is a columnist with the Australian. She's a board member on the institute of public affairs, and a former board member here at the get I Janet, welcome to our Tom, now you're leading conservative commentator. So naturally, many of our listeners here on between the lines. We'll be shocked to hear you say that a and prime ministership could be a good thing house on Tom. I think some of my raiders were shelter and I made that argument few weeks ago, but I think it's we've now come to the position where we need the lived experience of a shorten government to return, the labor party to the wisdom of the hawk aiding agenda. We need a short and government to force a liberal party to get through what I think, is an existential crisis identity crisis to rediscover its roots to rebuild a very confused. Brand. And we, we the voters, we need lived experience of short and government to, to deliver, what I call buyer's remorse to realize that whitland, esque mix of big promises without policies that grow the economy is not just nicotinic disaster. But a social disaster, and I really think you have to go back to the days of the Whitlam era, to, to find the level of complacency that we see today, and my colleague at the astray Lian PO Kelly code. It know that nineteen sixties grand delusion, that continued prosperity was a strategy is destiny. And it's true, we've had almost thirty years of, of economic growth, but that is not a given. So you sign in the shorten economic agenda increases the prospects of a recession, and Farley will be mudbound, reality. I think that's absolutely right. Because Bill Schoten is very honest that he's politics, the politics of redistribution not growing economic pie, and it's it's much easier by the white to redistribute rather grow the economic pie. If you think of the big reform. The hard reforms in a strategy during the eighties nineties, and the early two thousands. They were hard reforms, but they were important reforms. It liberalized the economy. We're not seeing those same kind of policies with the short and government. He's Fago economics is a slogan. It's premised on complacency is premise on emotion. Just listen is shooting in some of the might say that, you know, we're, we're experiencing an ideological seachange in the electric, the oldest twenty percent of the electorate si- fifteen years ago in two thousand and four. When you wrote that conservatism was cool on the John Howard, the oldest twenty percent back. Then they largely voted for the coalition. They've been replaced by the youngest twenty percent of voters who lift, you got social media Twitter trolls, all the ride a poll show that socialism has risen in stature, especially among these millennials. And of course you got tried unions. They luckily to be reim- powered. So have haven't times changed time certainly have changed in the environment's changed. But what? What you're saying is very much. You know, not just the liberal party and existential crisis, but the left side of politics is strong because it's buttressed by so many elements in civil society that you do not see, on the centre-right of politics strata. It's almost as if liberalism depends on the liberal party in a stray area. And if you have a liberal party that stepped away from those basic, liberal values, what's left, so it really is up to other organizations, I think, to build the foundations of liberalism in ustralia to make deeper than the liberal party cannot rest on a conviction later such as John Howard. We haven't had one since two thousand and seven and look, what's happened to liberal values in that time you've had get up. You have the unions, you have the light party and other organizations. It's up to the center right of a Strayer to rebuild to make the case for liberal values. And that's what hasn't happened. You've written the Rausing damp of the wits in the liberal party has lift the joint with dodgy foundations. And just might clear, the conservatives now would rather walk away than stand up and fought. And he also criticized the so-called modern liberals. But at these decisions by the senior liberals to shift towards the so called center at they attempts to adjust to what many political analysts, I is an increasingly more progressive political and cultural landscape. I certainly think that way in politicians nervous about, you know, their prospects that they start to put on new labels. And we're saying range of liberals call themselves modern liberals. Now, I've pressed a few of them as to what the what that means, and it really doesn't mean anything, it's just a bit of branding. I call it branding bunkum. What is the most important to be successful in politics, merger of conviction with good retail political skills? We've seen that before the last ten years, though, we've seen we've seen the party and politicians on the center, right suffer a deficit of both conviction, and, and really good retail politics now recently under Scott Morrison, I think the party has started to reimburse, for example, explain the social good of a strong economy, the virtues of lower taxes, allowing people to have more of their own money to make decisions how they spend their money. But imagine if the liberal party had more core values at the center of it story for the past ten years, it would be in a much stronger position. It's not about rebranding as modern liberal. I mean this, this guy's back today, but Cameron calling himself, a compassionate conservative, or which had Nixon, quote himself, a conservative with a heart. What does it mean if liberal parties, make the moral case for classical liberalism, you want convince voters about the purpose of a liberal governor Cosa, just to clarify, you think it's premature to read the last rods two Austrailia conservatism. Your argument, is that conservatives a losing tonight because they not farting. But Janet, we had on this program last week Tim sue pomace on the former rice discrimination Commissioner, and he I use that a short vitual Mark the end of what's derided as neoliberalism hasn't market capitalism, filed given the widespread economic inequality, wick told by because I think the evidence is just not there for, for widespread economic inequality. It's become a slogan. If you look at their three surveys from the can. Census. And I think there was another one by Hilda. They all showed that inequality has pretty much not changed over three decades of productivity commission. More recently is found that claims to growing income inequality. Not true. The economic growth has lifted standards across all income groups. I mean these are the facts, but the slogan of income inequality is being used to justify dismantling capitalism, in the name of some sort of utopian social democratic project, we've been here before now at this stage Paul's point to alive victory. But Malcolm Turnbull mind tines he would won the election, if it weren't for his wing enemies in the media, and the potty room. Let's hear for major Neal's interview with tumble on the BBC two months ago at the time of the coup in August. We were level pegging on the public Paul's or the opposition and we were four points ahead on the polling in the marginal seats. But basically, you could argue that the concern was not that I would lose the election, but rather that I would win it. You telling me your own party didn't want you to win the next. I'm just saying if you analyze credit. Well, Andrew, you've only got to look at the facts because Malcolm Turnbull on the base on why he would have won the election Janet Albertson. Well, I see we've moved into the comedy section of"